The Chadian Marshal's Achilles Heel
By: Joe Le Mutant – Charilogone Editorial StaffLaunched in a state of institutional euphoria, the Fifth Republic of Chad is already sinking into a quagmire of insecurity that no one seriously wanted to address during the Sovereign National Dialogue – a dialogue that was described as "non-inclusive." Barely six months after the presidential election that brought Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, a military man, to power, the country's social cohesion seems more threatened than ever. Killings are increasing in the South, North, East, and West: never in Chad's recent history has barbarity been so commonplace.
Structural Causes and Political Flaws
This prevailing insecurity is not inevitable: it is the product of a series of risky political decisions, partisan calculations, and a stubborn refusal to listen to dissenting voices. This is evidenced by several underlying causes:
The deliberate exclusion of civil society—particularly the Wakit Tamma movement—from fundamental debates on the nation's economic, security, and military future.
The MPS's imposed selection of certain security officials, appointed not for their competence but for their loyalty to the regime, without any national consultation.
The appointment of inexperienced, sometimes illiterate and ignorant individuals to key national security positions. The security of a vulnerable state cannot be entrusted to incompetent individuals. This is a serious political error in a context of crisis.
The persistent refusal to consider a profound reform of the state structure, whether federalism or even secession, despite the demands of a growing segment of the marginalized population.
A complete absence of a clear security doctrine, even as armed politico-military groups proliferate in all regions of the country.
From the Republican Dream to the Reality on the Ground
By voting for Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, Chadians placed their bets on a man in uniform, believing they were electing a security solution to decades of conflict. But instead of recovery, they are witnessing the gradual collapse of a country without direction or institutional coordination.
Today, the regime seems reduced to a seemingly republican backdrop, incapable of containing the hotbeds of violence tearing the nation apart. Faced with this resounding failure, the president must draw all the necessary conclusions and dissolve his government, dominated by a political elite visibly incapable of responding to national emergencies.
Recalling the Constitution: Unalterable Popular Legitimacy
And the country's fundamental law supports this right to change. The fifth paragraph of the Preamble to the Constitution of Chad (2024) states:
"We solemnly proclaim our right and duty to resist and disobey any individual or group of individuals, or any state body, that seizes power by force or exercises it in violation of this Constitution."
This passage, far from being symbolic, constitutes a foundation of popular sovereignty and a shield against illegitimate seizure or the deviant exercise of power.
In a country where security is becoming a luxury, it is no longer enough to make promises: we must act—or leave. Chad cannot afford to entrust its future to institutions without direction, to governance based on complacency and favoritism.
"You don't reinvent the wheel when it's already turning."
It is time to innovate with rigor, not denial. If the president doesn't correct the course, the Chadian people—sovereign by the Constitution—will take it upon themselves to remind them of this.
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