Your Site Title CHARILOGONE MEDIA INTERNATIONAL" Groupe média Panafricain au coeur du développement de l'Afrique CHARILOGONE MEDIA INTERNATIONAL" Groupe média Panafricain au coeur du développement de l'Afrique
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    The Chadian Army as it is...

    By: Joe the Mutant - Development Actor
    Generals without battles, marshals without victories, and a tyrant named KAKA

    There was a time in Chad when ranks were earned through bloodshed, when titles were bestowed upon hardship, and when authority was earned through service and sacrifice. Those days are over. The time has come for absurd promotions, decorations without combat, and titles without function. Adolescents become "authorities" before leaving the family court, and civilians become "generals" without ever having seen a single theater of operations. We hear that "it's God who gives," but God, even in His mercy, does not distribute stripes like playing cards.

    These new holders of baseless power have only one thing in common: a pathological insecurity disguised as state protocol. They are seen everywhere, surrounded by armed escorts, exaggerating the danger with ridiculous vigilance. One spreads out the prayer mat and carefully folds it after the two Friday rakats; another guards the shoes during the funeral. A third is responsible for parking the big bike as close as possible to the leader, engine running, headlights on because power, in this country, is measured by proximity to the hood.

    And meanwhile, false alarms fly, suspicious glances are exchanged, earpieces multiply. Even at the hairdresser's, the escort keeps watch. It's a scene worthy of a poorly edited Indian film: too many special effects, no script. But then, what are they afraid of? A Mexican cartel infiltrating Kanem? A forgotten fatwa issued from a village in the Sahel? The truth, perhaps? What is certain is that they never feel safe. And what's even worse: no one knows how to reassure them.

    This theater barely conceals a phenomenon that has become chronic in the inner workings of Chadian power: the imposter-in-dress syndrome. These individuals possess neither legitimacy nor merit, yet they demand respect, reverence, and submission. They want to be greeted with "Good morning, General," even if it takes them a few seconds to realize that this title is now theirs. Yes, Your Excellency, it's you we're talking to, you who skipped steps, burned merits, and trampled on values.

    But in this circus, there is one character who surpasses all others in the intensity of his perversion: KAKA. He isn't content with being an imposter. He embodies a pathology, a structural danger. His behavior corresponds to what psychologists call the Dark Triad, a toxic amalgam of narcissism (exacerbated self-cult), psychopathy (lack of empathy, taste for risk, indifference to suffering) and Machiavellianism (manipulation, cynicism, strategic coldness). In him, a fourth element is added: sadism. He is not content to impose or dominate; he takes pleasure in humiliating, destroying, and causing pain.

    When these four traits combine, specialists speak of the "dark quadrant," an extreme form of danger. And when this profile takes hold at the top of the state—that is, in a system that is already weakened, locked down, and militarized—the danger becomes systemic. Power becomes personal, brutal, and capricious. Institutions are nothing more than extensions of one man's will. The army, a court militia. The justice system, a theater. The civil service, a clan income. The country, a booty.

    The testimonies surrounding KAKA are damning. Broken collaborators, betrayed loved ones, persecuted opponents, stifled voices. He doesn't govern: he punishes. He doesn't convince: he intimidates. He builds nothing: he absorbs, diverts, destroys. His power is based neither on support nor on competence, but on fear and surveillance. He reigns over the ruins he himself creates.

    And yet, he demands to be venerated. He wants to be loved, celebrated, sanctified, as if he were unaware that fear is not respect, and that silence is not acceptance. But in the palaces as in the suburbs, everyone knows: KAKA's reign is not governance, it is confiscation.

    In a country where the Republic has been emptied of its meaning, where the state has become the property of a clan, where youth is discouraged, where weapons replace ideas, the KAKA case is not an anomaly: it is the terminal symptom of a rotting system.

    And history, for its part, does not forgive impostors. It tolerates them for a time, always exposes them, then judges them without appeal.

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